#

Friday, January 30, 2009

Fourth quarter GDP report

The headline number is somewhat comforting on the surface: GDP fell at an annual rate of "only" 3.8% in 2008Q4, versus forecasts of a 5-6 percent drop. The fine print, however, gives little cause for comfort. Most importantly, inventory accumulation pushed GDP up by 1.3 percent. That is, the number looks better than it does because companies kept producing stuff even though no one was buying it. Had companies not produced this excess, GDP would have fallen 5.1%. Accumulation of inventories now just means a bigger drop in production in future quarters.

Also, the dropoff in private investment is picking up steam. Residential investment (housing) has been a drag on the economy since 2006, but until the second half of 2008 nonresidential investment (by businesses) has been consistently positive. In 2008Q3 nonresidential investment fell by 1.7 percent; in Q4 it fell by 19.1 percent. Within nonresidential investment, investment in structures had been positive throughout the slowdown even as investment in equipment and software had been declining; in Q4 structures investment fell 1.8% (and E&S investment fell 27.8%).

A decline in imports added 2.93 percent to GDP. But this is just a manifestation of a reduction in global trade - a decline in US exports offset the effect of the import decline almost completely - which is definitely not good news.

Finally, the GDP deflator fell by 0.1 percent in Q4. By my reckoning, this is the first decline in the price level (measured in this broad way) since 1954. That raises the serious concern that we have entered a period of deflation.

Thursday, January 29, 2009

More from Fama

I was wondering how the "stimulus skeptics" like Eugene Fama were going to respond to the biting criticism they received at the hands of people like Brad DeLong and Paul Krugman. Here's Fama:

To date there is just one valid negative comment on my essay, from J. Bradford DeLong (Fama's Fallacy, Take I: Eugene Fama Rederives the "Treasury View"), and I think his point is actually consistent with my argument.

He accuses me of not understanding that private investment includes inventory investment, and some inventory investment may be involuntary, the result of a general decline in demand. I am aware of the point, and I think he is right that government expenditures can, in whole or in part, reverse this bad investment by giving people funds to buy up the unwanted inventories. I think possibilities like this are covered by a statement that appears a couple of times in my essay,

"And bailouts and stimulus plans only enhance future incomes when the activities they favor are more productive than the activities they displace."

Inventory investments that turn bad are just an example of an unproductive private use of resources, and perhaps I should have used this example in my essay. I just didn't think it's a big enough deal. The relevant numbers are
provided by the Department of Commerce.

Inventories rise during 2008, but if I'm reading the numbers correctly, the total increase from November 2007 to November 2008 is only about $47 billion. There is, of course, no guarantee that all of this is a bad investment. Even if it is, and even in the unlikely case that a dollar of stimulus reduces unwanted inventories by a dollar, we would have to find $753 billion of other unproductive private activities to justify an $800 billion stimulus. —EFF


This line of argument involving inventories seems like too roundabout a way to address the flaw in Fama's argument. His howler is when he says:

Government bailouts and stimulus plans seem attractive when there are idle resources - unemployment. Unfortunately, bailouts and stimulus plans are not a cure. The problem is simple: bailouts and stimulus plans are funded by issuing more government debt. (The money must come from somewhere!) The added debt absorbs savings that would otherwise go to private investment. In the end, despite the existence of idle resources, bailouts and stimulus plans do not add to current resources in use. They just move resources from one use to another. And bailouts and stimulus plans only enhance future incomes when the activities they favor are more productive than the activities they displace.

The whole point of Keynesian economics is that government spending during a recession employs otherwise unused resources, which creates income, which creates the savings needed to finance that spending without forcing a reduction in investment. How productive is an empty factory? When government spending gets that factory to start producing again, of course the activity it creates is more productive than the (in)activity it has displaced.

This simple point is subject to all sorts of caveats: the economy must be operating below full employment, the interest rate and price level must be fixed, etc. But Fama doesn't say those caveats don't apply - he seems genuinely ignorant of the fundamental Keynesian argument.

Estimates of the macroeconomic effects of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act

Tuesday, January 27, 2009

This is what we mean by a Keynesian fiscal policy

The Congressional Budget Office has put out its cost estimate of the stimulus package making its way through the House of Representatives.






According to the CBO's terminology, "appropriations" are government spending (all those infrastructure and energy projects we've been hearing about) while "direct spending" is transfers of various sorts. The figures show that government spending starts low in fiscal year 2009, is substantial in FY2010-11, then tapers off. Transfers and tax cuts will be the main source of stimulus in 2009, peak in 2010, then taper off. The plan adds $170 billion to the budget deficit in 2009 and $356 billion in 2010, falling to near zero by 2016. Some thoughts:

1. The figures don't account for the indirect effect of stimulus on revenues and other spending arising from a faster economic recovery. To the extent that the package "works," the costs will be much lower. Back-of-the-envelope calculation, just for expository purposes: if the plan reduces the unemployment rate by 1 percent in 2010 from what it otherwise would be, by Okun's law GDP will be 2 percent higher, or around $280 billion. If the effective tax rate is 25 percent, this means $70 billion in additional tax revenues. Add in reduced unemployment compensation and so on, and the deficit could be $100 billion or about 28 percent lower than the CBO projects.

2. All projections are that unemployment is going to be extremely high at the end of 2009 (8,9,10%?). Employment growth will continue to be sluggish at best, perhaps negative, through 2010, even though GDP may be rising by that time. Strong recovery is unlikely before 2011, and we'll probably be working off the effects of the recession for several years beyond. So the timing of the stimulus looks right to me: peaks in 2010 but stays substantial in 2011 and 2012.

3. Greg Mankiw has a more jaundiced view. He notes that only $29 billion of government spending occurs in FY 2009, just 8 percent of the total. I suspect he points this out by way of criticizing the spending plans - I say it's a great argument for why Congress should have passed this proposal last summer or fall. Hmm, why do you suppose that didn't happen?

2D or not 2D?

This article says we may all be living in a cosmic hologram (via Mark Thoma). We are simply 3-dimensional reflections of 2-dimensional objects on the other side of the universe. Apparently you can test this theory by measuring the blurriness of our images. This may explain why I need that extra cup of coffee in the morning.

The holograms you find on credit cards and banknotes are etched on two-dimensional plastic films. When light bounces off them, it recreates the appearance of a 3D image. In the 1990s physicists Leonard Susskind and Nobel prizewinner Gerard 't Hooft suggested that the same principle might apply to the universe as a whole. Our everyday experience might itself be a holographic projection of physical processes that take place on a distant, 2D surface.

The "holographic principle" challenges our sensibilities. It seems hard to believe that you woke up, brushed your teeth and are reading this article because of something happening on the boundary of the universe. No one knows what it would mean for us if we really do live in a hologram, yet theorists have good reasons to believe that many aspects of the holographic principle are true.

Monday, January 26, 2009

On stimulus

Paul Krugman, Mark Thoma, Brad DeLong, and others are on the rampage against sloppy thinking by conservative anti-stimulus skeptics. And they are certainly right to criticize. In this widely-circulated video, for example, Robert Lucas - Nobel Prize winning macroeconomist, the founder of modern non-Keynesian macroeconomic theory - makes some astoundingly boneheaded statements. For instance, he says that one of the virtues of monetary policy is that it is easily reversed, whereas if we try to stimulate the economy by say laying a bunch of fiberoptic cable, what are we going to do when the recession is over, dig it up again? Robert, Robert, you're confusing stocks and flows - physical capital does not stimulate the economy, investment does! Throughout, the stimulus critics rely on the crudest of crowding out arguments. Buying stuff, the argument seems to go, does not increase production, it merely reallocates resources - an argument which if true would apply to private spending as well as government spending. At any rate it leaves unexplained where production comes from in the first place: surely the first act of spending stimulated production, and successive acts of spending continued to expand production until society's resources were fully employed. Meanwhile, these otherwise brilliant economists seem to believe that money creation has some mystical power to stimulate production in the short run. Create money, they argue, and production miraculously springs from the earth - ignoring that to stimulate production money creation must first stimulate some sort of spending, which they don't believe can stimulate squat.

The stimulus skeptics have said some smart things, though. Smartest of all was the statement of John Cochrane in the question and answer part of the above-referenced forum. Cochrane said "I've looked through graduate course outlines and textbooks and I can find nowhere in the last fifty years where anyone in economics has said fiscal stimulus is a good idea. The Keynesians gave up on it by the time I was an undergrad... I haven't found a single academic article saying 'oh, we've learned a new theory that fiscal stimulus works,' the empirical work is well, you know, we put leaches on the patient and he got better... What are we doing giving advice sort of based on beliefs when there's nothing in what we teach our graduate students or what we write saying fiscal stimulus makes any sense?"

Cochrane does not seem to have done a thorough search of EconLit, but he has a point. If Keynesians are bewildered by the confused theorizing of the stimulus skeptics, if they are frustrated at their inability to convince their fellow economists that fiscal stimulus makes sense, then to some extent they have no one to blame but themselves. Because Cochrane is basically right when he says that macroeconomists have not spent much time at all in the last fifty years developing models that show that fiscal policy works. In the 1960s economists of all stripes recognized that the long lags of fiscal policy made fiscal stabilization policy problematic. In the 1960s and 1970s Friedman and Barro convinced most of the profession that temporary changes in taxes had little or no effect on demand. Government spending became passe in the political universe of the 1970s, and Reagan's budget deficits of the 1980s took activist fiscal policy completely off the table. Economists and policymakers were quite content to hand the whole business of stabilizing the economy to the Fed.

It would be interesting to find out how many Ph.D dissertations have been written since the 1970s on the subject of fiscal policy as a stabilization tool. My guess - not many. Meanwhile, the advances in our understanding of monetary policy as a tool of stabilization policy have been astounding. Economists considered all of the major theoretical objections to the Keynesian approach to monetary policy - rational expectations, the lack of microfoundations - and developed sophisticated models that reconciled something like the old policy prescriptions with the new methodological approach. The workhorse New Keynesian model is truly a wonder to behold - you've got utility maximizing consumers choosing consumption and labor supply interacting with imperfectly competitive firms choosing prices in the face of price adjustment costs and a central bank implementing an optimizing monetary policy, the entire model capable of being simplified to a three-equation setup that danged-if-it-doesn't look just like what we've been teaching all along in our intermediate macroeconomics classes. Now people are adding bells and whistles to this model in the form of financial market frictions, banks, exchange rates, and so on.

Back in the 1970s economists worried about issues like credibility and the politicization of monetary policy. Wham! economists came back at them with a coherent theory of optimal monetary policy rules, efficient contracts to constrain the worst impulse of central bankers, central bank independence, coherent discussions of transparency and accountability. We have debates about whether central banks should target inflation, the price level, or something else; whether central banks should rely on forecasts or be backward-looking; we analyze monetary policy rules for their stabilizing or uniqueness properties; we ask what is the effect of learning on the part of the central bank or the public. And the amount of empirical work that has been done testing the myriad hypotheses about monetary policy developed over the last 40 years would fill a liberal arts college library.

As for fiscal policy? The debates between the stimulators and the skeptics amount to trading quotes from Keynes (1936) versus those of his misguided opponents in the British Treasury. We're still ruminating over whether the evidence supports Friedman's views from the 1950s over whether consumers respond more strongly to permanent versus temporary changes in their income. We're struggling with Barro's 1974 argument that changes in taxes not matched by changes in spending affect the economy at all. Oh, there's a branch of research on supply-side policy showing that a switch to a hypothetical distortion-free tax code would add a few percentage points to GDP which the supply-siders can pull from their briefcases in times like these to argue for cuts in the corporate tax rate or elimination of taxes on interest and dividends. There are a lot of tests of Friedman's permanent income hypothesis, the conclusion of which seems to be that he is kind of right and kind of wrong, but we can't be sure how right or how wrong. You can find a handful of papers that test for the effect of fiscal policy in a purely atheoretical empirical model; there's some interesting stuff on the microeconomics and behavioral issues behind consumer spending. But where is the full blown macroeconomic model with a well-developed fiscal policy component? All of the concerns about lags and the inefficiency of government spending are valid and important - where is the sophisticated analysis of these issues, where are the proposed institutional fixes analogous to those that have been suggested (and sometimes adopted) for central banks?

Since the apparently modestly successful use of fiscal policy in 2001 there has been some movement in the direction of developing a coherent theory of fiscal policy. Google papers by Auerbach, Taylor, Krugman, and others. But there's still a long way to go. We're still confronted by the problem that Keynes had in the 1920s - as much as he knew that macroeconomic policy could be used to fight the looming depression, he was unable to make any headway until he developed a theory to back up his intuition. You can't fight something with nothing - we macroeconomists have to come up with something that's better than the nothing we're employing in our policy debates now.

Sunday, January 25, 2009

This can't be good news...

The Journal of Political Economy contacted me:

This note is to inform you that we are nearing the end of the review process on your paper, "Political Constraints on Monetary Policy During the U.S. Great Inflation" (MS 2009027). A decision letter will be sent soon to the following address...

Er, I sent them the paper Wednesday.

Received in the email

From a blogger in Canada. Ben & Jerry created "Yes Pecan!" ice cream flavor for Obama. For George W. they created "???????". Here are some of his favorite responses...

- Grape Depression
- Abu Grape
- Cluster Fudge
- Nut'n Accomplished
- Iraqi Road
- Chock 'n Awe
- Wire Tap ioca
- Impeach Cobbler
- Guantanmallow
- imPeachmint
- Heck of a Job, Brownie!
- NeoconPolitan
- RockyRoad to Fascism
- The Reese's Recession
- Cookie D'uooh!
- The Housing Crunch
- Nougatular Proliferation
- Death by Chocolate... and Torture
- Chocolate Chip On My Shoulder
- "You're Sh*tting In My Mouth And Calling It A" Sundae
- Credit Crunch
- Mission Pecanplished
- Chunky Monkey in Chief
- George-Bush-Doesn't-Care-About-Dark Chocolate
- WM D eelicious
- Chocolate Chimp
- Bloody Sundae
- Caramel Preemptive Stripe
- I broke the law and am responsible for the deaths of thousands...with nuts

And my favorite:

- Good Riddance You Lousy Motherfucker... Swirl

Where to find me out standing in my field


From Arestis and Mihailov, "Classifying Monetary Economics: Fields and Methods from Past to Future," 2008. (Obviously the pointers are mine.)

Saturday, January 24, 2009

A good question with a perfectly good answer

Greg Mankiw asks:

A Discussion Question

The NY Times reports that the new president is concerned about how banks are using TARP funds:

[President Obama] criticized companies that have used federal money they received under the financial bailout for low priority or wasteful purposes and promised not to let that happen. He cited “reports that we’ve seen over the last couple of days about companies that have received taxpayer assistance, then going out and renovating bathrooms or offices, or in other ways not managing those dollars appropriately.”

A prominent economist emails me the following:

Discussion question.

Scenario 1. AmeriBank of Holland, Ohio, receives TARP funds and uses $20,000 to hire Joe the Plumber to remodel a bathroom in one of its banks.

Scenario 2. AmeriBank of Holland, Ohio, receives TARP funds and loans $20,000 to Bob the Baker to remodel a bathroom in his house.

Explain the difference in macroeconomic stimulus in these two scenarios.

Answer: there is no difference in macroeconomic stimulus. But we like and have sympathy for Bob the Baker, who wants a better bathroom, would like to borrow to do so, but until TARP was unable to. We do not like, nor have sympathy for, Ameribank, which overextended itself in mortgage backed securities and pushed the entire economy into recession. We do not want those guys to have a new bathroom.

Friday, January 23, 2009

People in glass houses, etc.

Bob Barbera makes an insightful point about Tim Geithner's criticism of China for manipulating its exchange rate:

In a world in which governments are now controlling bank dividends, taking over banks, and providing auto company financing, pointing fingers at the Chinese currency peg seems, at best, disingenuous.

Well put.

Thursday, January 22, 2009

Reverend Joseph Lowery

If you're an 87 year old black minister who organized the Montgomery bus boycott, founded the Southern Christian Leadership Council and led the march from Selma to Montgomery, we cut you some slack when you make questionable references to ethnic groups in your inaugural benediction:

Lord, in the memory of all the saints who from their labors rest, and in the joy of a new beginning, we ask you to help us work for that day when black will not be asked to get in back, when brown can stick around ... when yellow will be mellow ... when the red man can get ahead, man; and when white will embrace what is right.

I don't know why, however, the reverend excluded from his remarks the minority group whose struggles have taken center stage in recent years. Can we give the man a do-over? I'm going to suggest finishing with:

... when gays, though loathed, can get betrothed; and when the queer can wear combat gear.

Wednesday, January 21, 2009

Not a crazy argument against fiscal stimulus (though not necessarily right either)

Casey Mulligan argues:

When the government hires employees or makes purchases, the ultimate economic effect of the actions depends on what private sector activity is displaced.

In one situation — called “crowding out” in economic jargon — some (but not necessarily all) of the new government employees are people who quit their private sector jobs in order to accept better positions offered by the public sector, and many (but not necessarily all) the new government purchases just take items that would have been purchased by a household or private business...

The second situation is called the multiplier. In this view, government hiring and purchases largely acquire employees and resources that would have otherwise been idle. If this were correct, than the government’s spending in one area would not reduce spending in another. Instead, it would hire otherwise unemployed people, and get them spending again, thereby creating private spending on top of the government spending — hence the term “multiplier.” In the multiplier view, G.D.P. increases more than public spending.

Despite the recent increase in unemployment rates, I see little reason why the multiplier situation is realistic. For example, President Obama’s economists have explained that about half of the jobs they plan to create (both directly and indirectly) are for women. But the large majority of this recession’s employment reduction has been among men. Thus, the Obama spending plan is not intended to primarily draw on the pool of people unemployed in this recession...

Significant publicity has been given to residential construction workers who became unemployed since 2006, but less recognized is the absorption of many (but by no means not all) of these workers and their equipment into non-residential construction projects. Public spending on construction that might come from the president’s spending plan will re-employ some of those unemployed, but it will also draw others out of their current work activity. The latter is why crowding out will occur even in construction.

Mulligan believes that there is considerable segmentation in the labor market: construction workers are not close substitutes for school teachers. Then an increase in labor demand in one sector arising from a fiscal stimulus package may overheat that sector while having little impact on the economy as a whole. That - unlike Eugene Fama's earlier essay - is not crazy. It's an empirical question: what is the degree of substitution between different segments of the labor market?

If Mulligan is right that there is very little substitability, then a boom in one sector (say, high-tech) has only a minor macroeconomic impact. The housing boom should have done little to stimulate aggregate employment. I don't think that's right - I think the elasticity of substitution is high enough that the multiplier effect is fairly strong (that is, more likely equal to one or higher than zero).

Tuesday, January 20, 2009

Bush leaves!

Ex-President Bush and wife leave capital for Texas

"Ex-President" - that's got a real nice ring to it. I thought rather than take the helicopter out Bush and Cheney should be stripped naked, covered in honey, and be forced to walk through the crowd from the capital to the Lincoln Memorial. If they make it alive, they get proactive pardons for all their offenses. The crowd was in a good mood - they'd have at least a 50-50 chance.

And I think that's the last I'll say about George W. Bush for awhile.

The Bush boom

The Wall Street Journal makes a last, desperate case for supply-side economics as it awaits the Keynesian deluge. Paul Krugman summarizes. I pile on.

WSJ: However, to win over Senate Democrats, Mr. Bush both phased in the tax rate reductions and settled for politically popular but economically feckless tax rebate checks. Those checks provided a short-term lift to consumer spending but no real boost to risk-taking or business investment, which was still recovering from the tech implosion. By late 2002, the economy was struggling again -- which is when Mr. Bush proposed his second round of tax cuts.

This time the tax rate reductions were immediate, and they included cuts in capital gains and dividends designed to spur business incentives. As the tax cuts became law in late May 2003, the recovery began in earnest. Growth averaged nearly 4% over the next three years, the jobless rate fell from 6.3% in June 2003 to 4.4% in October 2006, and real wages began to grow despite rising food and energy prices. The 2003 tax cut was the high point of Bush economic policy.

You'd think the spur to business incentives would show up in the aggregate statistics for business investment. Here's real private nonresidential investment (blue) and real private investment in equipment and software (red) from 1950-2008, on a log scale. I see two investment booms, in the 1960s and 1990s. I see modest growth in the 70s, 80s, and 00s.
Here's another cut at the data. How did real private nonresidential investment fare after big fiscal policy changes up to the business cycle peak: the Kennedy tax cut (1964-69); the Reagan tax cuts (following the supply-siders, I'll say they kicked in in 1983, so say 1983-89): the Clinton tax increase (1993-2000); the Bush tax cut (2003-07)? For those periods, average annual growth in private nonresidential investment was 8.2%, 4.1%, 9.4%, and 5.1% respectively.
Conclusion: the boomlet from 2003-07 was driven by low interest rates and the housing bubble, not the Bush tax cuts.

Monday, January 19, 2009

Case studies in fiscal stimulus

Alex Tabarrok at Marginal Revolution makes note of a paper by Linda Bilmes on the efficacy of fiscal stimulus. Bilmes looks at three recent large infrastructure projects - reconstruction of Iraq, reconstruction of New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, and Boston's Big Dig - and documents the inefficiencies.

Iraqi reconstruction: [T]he Special Inspector General for Reconstruction, Stuart Bowen,...has found that the effort has been riddled with cost overruns, project delays, fraud, failed projects and wasteful expenditures...even though the first tranche of $19 billion in Iraqi reconstruction money became available in October 2003, the Defense Department did not issue the first requests for proposals for this money until 10 months later...

Hurricane Katrina: ...the US has appropriated, over $100 billion in short and long term reconstruction grants, loan subsidies [etc]...GAO found that FEMA made over $1 billion--or 16% of the total in this particular category--in fraudulent payments...items like professional football tickets and Caribbean vacations.

The Big Dig: ...the largest single infrastructure project in the US...many lessons on how not to run a project...officially launched in 1982, but it did not break ground until 1991, due to environmental impact statements, technical difficulties and jurisdictional squabbles...not "completed" until 2007.

Need it be noted that the first two examples are projects undertaken by the most incompetent Administration in U.S. history? If we were to use the experiences of the Bush Administration to judge every policy, we would conclude that wars are always mismanaged, budget surpluses always generate deficits, deregulation always leads to economic armageddon, education reform always leads to suffocating bureaucracy, democracies always torture,...

This leaves us with one genuine data point suggesting that infrastructure projects are fraught with waste. Any others before we jump to conclusions?

Last day

For oh, about eight years now I have been composing a farewell address to the George W. Bush Administration. But you can't do better than Oliver Cromwell's speech disolving Britain's "long parliament" in 1653:

It is high time for me to put an end to your sitting in this place, which you have dishonored by your contempt of all virtue, and defiled by your practice of every vice; ye are a factious crew, and enemies to all good government; ye are a pack of mercenary wretches, and would like Esau sell your country for a mess of pottage, and like Judas betray your God for a few pieces of money.

Is there a single virtue now remaining amongst you? Is there one vice you do not possess? Ye have no more religion than my horse; gold is your God; which of you have not barter'd your conscience for bribes? Is there a man amongst you that has the least care for the good of the Commonwealth?

Ye sordid prostitutes have you not defil'd this sacred place, and turn'd the Lord's temple into a den of thieves, by your immoral principles and wicked practices? Ye are grown intolerably odious to the whole nation; you were deputed here by the people to get grievances redress'd, are yourselves gone! So! Take away that shining bauble there, and lock up the doors.

In the name of God, go!

Saturday, January 17, 2009

Ok, now I'm getting suspicious

To: Campus community
From: Assistant Provost for Student-Faculty Relations

A generous alumnus has donated one year's worth of couples massage classes for a faculty member and student. Faculty wishing to take advantage of this opportunity must submit a proposal specifying the benefits of this collaboration to both the faculty member and student. For fullest consideration, please provide photos.

We are working with the same alumnus on the possibility of arranging a faculty-student weekend getaway in the Poconos. Stay tuned for further information.

Friday, January 16, 2009

I am speechless...

This just arrived by email. It must be some malicious prank, mustn't it?

To: Department Chairs
From: Provost

Greetings –

The College has received an unusual gift: one hotel room with a king-sized bed for two nights in Washington, DC. The Courtyard by Marriot Embassy Row is located at 1600 Rhode Island Avenue (near 16th Street), and the room is available for the nights of 20 and 21 January. The inauguration occurs on the 20th. Janet asked me if someone might be able to use the room in a way that benefits our students and faculty in regards to the inauguration. BUT we cannot permit only students to use it: at least one member of the faculty must stay in the room for one or both nights if students will be there. There can be no exception to this stipulation from the donor.

It’s important that we identify quickly someone who can use the room. It is critical for us to tell the donor that the room will be used for the benefit of our students and faculty. Now, a faculty member may ask students to join her or him in the room---perhaps a bit cozy---but I suppose some could use air mattresses.

I contact you to ask that you bring this opportunity to the attention of the members of your department or program and see if there is someone who may be able to use the room. If a colleague (or you!) has interest, please have her or him send to me a paragraph or two stating how she or he will use the room and how the use of it will benefit students. I need your responses by 9:00am on Monday, 19 January. From the responses, I will choose the one I feel best exercises the gift.

I look forward to hearing from you.

jay

There's a BofA on my sofa

and a nooth grush on my tooth brush. From American Banker:

BofA to Get $15 Billion More from Government
WASHINGTON — Bank of America Corp. is expected to announce Friday that it will receive $15 billion from the Treasury Department's Troubled Asset Relief Program, sources said Thursday.

The capital infusion comes on top of the $25 billion Bank of America was awarded in October, including $10 billion that went to
Merrill Lynch & Co. Inc. which the bank acquired.

The capital infusion is meant to help cover losses on assets the Charlotte-based bank inherited from Merrill.
The announcement is expected to be made when Bank of America issues its fourth-quarter results, an announcement it moved up from Jan. 20.


Treasury would not comment Thursday and a representative for B of A was not immediately available.


How I wish that they would leave!

Thursday, January 15, 2009

Fama v. DeLong v. Mankiw, continued

So Greg Mankiw responds to Brad DeLong's post:

This post reflects a fundamental difference between Brad's approach to the world and mine. When I read others' work, I try to read between the lines and put it in the best possible light. In particular, when I read the work of an economist as distinguished as Eugene Fama, I am reluctant to jump to the conclusion that I am vastly smarter than he is. In the case at hand, I think Fama's arguments make sense in the context of the classical model, the model presented in Chapter 3 of my intermediate macro textbook, even if Fama in his brief essay does not spell out all the details of that model. Unlike Fama, and like Brad, I would not stop at that model. To understand the present situation, I would go on to the Keynesian model presented in Chapter 9 to 11. But whether one leaves the classical model behind to embrace the Keynesian model is a judgment call. On this particular judgment call, Brad and I agree, but I am not eager to castigate those like Fama who reach differing judgments.

Apparently if you are sufficiently "distinguished" you can spout off all sorts of nonsense and Greg Mankiw will not call you on it. I guess that explains why he lasted so long in the Bush Administration.

I say a person's arguments stand or fall on their own. Had one of my students written what Fama wrote, he would have gotten an F (ok, maybe a D - it was well written without significant typographical or grammatical errors).

How can very smart economists still fail to grasp the essence of Keynesian economics?

Brad DeLong takes Eugene Fama to task for failing to understand basic developments in macroeconomics that have occurred over the last 80 years. Fama writes:

There is an identity in macroeconomics. It says that in any given year private investment must equal the sum of private savings, corporate savings (retained earnings), and government savings (the government surplus, which is more likely negative, that is, a deficit)...

Government bailouts and stimulus plans seem attractive when there are idle resources - unemployment. Unfortunately, bailouts and stimulus plans are not a cure. The problem is simple: bailouts and stimulus plans are funded by issuing more government debt. (The money must come from somewhere!) The added debt absorbs savings that would otherwise go to private investment. In the end, despite the existence of idle resources, bailouts and stimulus plans do not add to current resources in use. They just move resources from one use to another. And bailouts and stimulus plans only enhance future incomes when the activities they favor are more productive than the activities they displace. I come back to these fundamental points several times below.

A quick rejoinder to Fama: he says stimulus plans "just move resources from one use to another." Of course that is true: they move resources from unemployment to employment. But why is this so? DeLong patiently (well, maybe not so patiently) explains where this potential Nobel Prize laureate goes wrong. Here's another way of explaining his fallacy.

Since S and I are determined independently by each of the economy's actors (households, businesses, government), they are not automatically equal; like supply and demand, their equality is an equilibrium phenomenon. Fama's view (the British Treasury's view circa 1929) is that the price that brings these quantities into equality is the interest rate. When government borrows to finance a stimulus package, interest rates rise, reducing investment somewhere in the economy (or as Ronald Reagan said, when you go to get a loan you find the government standing in front of you in line). Like all supply-and-demand arguments, this one is based on the ceteris paribus assumption. The flaw in the argument is that in this case ceteris is not paribus - in particular, the argument holds aggregate income fixed, and in fact aggregate income is not fixed. When the government employs a previously unemployed person to dig a ditch, aggregate income rises. The newly employed person saves a portion of his income, so aggregate savings rises. To the extent that there's a multiplier effect, savings rises elsewhere in the economy as well. Thus the government's dissaving is matched by an increase in private saving, leaving aggregate saving unchanged and equal to investment, at a higher level of GDP. Of course this argument relies on interest rates not rising - this is something that is easily within the power of the central bank to ensure.

Greg Mankiw is another smart economist. In fact, he's written a textbook that I'm almost positive sketches out exactly the argument I've presented above. Yet he links to Fama respectively if not approvingly, never informing his impressionable readers of the obvious logical flaw in Fama's argument. How come?

Tuesday, January 13, 2009

Krugman's back of the envelope calculations on stimulus

Bang for the buck (wonkish)

Mark Thoma says he was thinking about thinking about this; I was actually thinking about it. Anyway, it’s true: the cost of an effective fiscal stimulus, in terms of adding to the government’s debt, can (and should) be much less than the headline cost.

Consider an increase in government spending; assume that the interest rate is fixed (a good assumption right now, because interest rates are up against the zero lower bound). Then textbook analysis says that if the stimulus is dG, the increase in GDP is 1/(1 - c(1-t)) where c is the marginal propensity to consume out of income and t is the marginal tax rate. Suppose c is 0.5 and t is 1/3; then the multiplier is 1.5, which is more or less the conventional wisdom right now.
But if $100 billion in spending raises GDP by $150 billion, and the marginal tax rate is 1/3, $50 billion of the spending comes back in additional revenue. So bang for the buck — increase in GDP per dollar of added debt — is 3, not 1.5. Since the main concern about stimulus is that it will add to government debt, it’s this bang for the buck measure, rather than the multiplier, that’s relevant. And 3 sounds a lot better than 1.5.


Take this a bit further: $150 billion is about 1 percent of GDP, which Romer and Bernstein say means a million jobs; so this says $50,000 per job, which is a much better number than the critics have been throwing around (plus many more workers with full-time rather than part-time jobs).

Bang for the buck also heightens the contrast between effective and ineffective stimulus policies. Stay with c = 0.5, t = 1/3, and look at the effects of a tax cut; the multiplier is 0.75, half that for public investment, but bang for the buck is 1, only 1/3 that for investment.

So thinking about how stimulus comes back via revenues is important.

Step two is to compute the impact on the economy of an extra dollar of debt, apply an appropriate discount factor, and weigh the benefits of stimulus as Krugman computes it versus the present value of the cost. My contention is that it is not optimal to eliminate the recession entirely, nor is it optimal to keep the debt from rising. Whether the optimal size of the stimulus is bigger or smaller than Obama's plan is an open question.

Monday, January 12, 2009

Mystery solved?

Awhile ago, Chari, Christiano, and Kehoe asked, "where is the financial crisis?" They looked at the data on lending activity and noted that among other things, commercial and industrial loans continued to rise through mid-October. So why are we so concerned about the crisis?


Well, anyone thinking that this was all a tempest in a teapot back in October must have modified their views following the November and December employment reports. But as for the data, Ivashina and Scharfstein took a closer look and found that loans for investment plummeted in September-November 2008. The reason C&I lending remained high, apparently, is that corporations were drawing on lines of credit to maintain regular business operations. Though the authors can't say definitively that the decline in loans was due to the credit crunch or demand (the smart money says it was both), the decline in investment must have played a big role in the economic downturn.

White phosphorous again

I think that one should not drop incendiary chemicals on civilian areas. You can't control where the stuff lands. When white phosphorous hits a house, it bursts into flames. When it hits a child, it burns the flesh down to the bone.

Israel's defense? Other countries do it too. And they're right - the U.S. did it in Falluja in 2004.

Saturday, January 10, 2009

Is Obama's stimulus plan big enough?

Christina Romer and Jared Bernstein estimate the effect of Obama's stimulus plan on unemployment:



Paul Krugman says this isn't enough. I beg to differ:

1) I'm optimistic that the apparent Treasury/Fed plan to buy up mortgages and/or Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac bonds until the mortgage rate falls to 4.5% will provide a substantial amount of stimulus. The main effect will be to prop up consumer spending and beef up household balance sheets as people refinance. It might also put a floor under housing prices.

2) We (economists, Keynesian economists in particular) may be going a bit overboard with our call to drop all concerns about future deficits while we fight this recession. Surely there's some cost to coming out of this recession with additional debt of, say $5 trillion instead of, say, $3 trillion. If the cost of this extra debt is significant, it makes sense to do a little less recession fighting now to avoid the cost. I don't know where the cutoff is, but it must be somewhere. If Romer and Bernstein are right and unemployment peaks at just 8% (this seems somewhat optimistic, but they clearly know more than I), then we've avoided a catastrophic meltdown. If achieving a faster recovery from 8% leaves us with an additional trillion dollars worth of debt at the end of the day, I'm not sure it's worth it.

Friday, January 09, 2009

From the NY Times' Economix blog:

An Economist’s Mea Culpa
By
Uwe E. Reinhardt
Uwe E. Reinhardt is an economist at Princeton.

If, like every university, the
American Economic Association had a coat of arms, its obligatory Latin banner might read: “Est, ergo optimum est, dummodo ne gubernatio civitatis implicatur.” (”It exists, therefore it must be optimal, provided that government has not been involved.”)

With only minor injustice, one may take this as the overarching mantra to which the core of the economics profession marches. Government is accorded a beneficial role in this vision only to provide purely public goods, such as national defense; to remove private-market imperfections, such as monopoly power on either side of the market; or to deal with so-called spill-over effects from private decisions, which economists call “externalities.” These exceptions aside, unquestioned belief in the sagacity, efficiency and beneficence of private markets reigns supreme.

These thoughts occurred to me as I attended the American Economic Association’s annual conference in San Francisco over the weekend. It offered a humongous smorgasbord of eloquent theory, clever econometric tricks, illuminating empirical insights and a few standing-room-only panel discussions on the shocking surprises the real economy served up as the economics profession was otherwise preoccupied during the past two decades or so.

Fewer than a dozen prominent economists saw this economic train wreck coming — and the Federal Reserve chairman, Ben Bernanke, an economist famous for his academic research on the Great Depression, was notably not among them. Alas, for the real world, the few who did warn us about the train wreck got no more respect from the rest of their colleagues or from decision-makers in business and government than prophets usually do.

How could the economics profession have slept so soundly right into the middle of the economic mayhem all around us? Robert J. Shiller of Yale University, one of the sage prophets, addressed that question in an
earlier commentary in this paper. Professor Shiller finds an explanation in groupthink, a term made popularized by the social psychologist Irving L. Janis. In his book “Groupthink” (1972), the latter had theorized that most people, even professionals whose career ostensibly thrives on originality, hesitate to deviate too much from the conventional wisdom, lest they be marginalized or even ostracized.

If groupthink is the cause, it most likely is anchored in what my former Yale economics professor Richard Nelson (now at Columbia University) has called a ”vested interest in an analytic structure,” the prism through which economists behold the world.

This analytic structure, formally called “neoclassical economics,” depends crucially on certain unquestioned axioms and basic assumptions about the behavior of markets and the human decisions that drive them. After years of arduous study to master the paradigm, these axioms and assumptions simply become part of a professional credo. Indeed, a good part of the scholarly work of modern economists reminds one of the medieval scholastics who followed St. Anselm’s dictum “credo ut intellegam“: “I believe, in order that I may understand.”

An inference drawn from the profession’s credo is that private markets invariably are self-correcting and are driven by rational human beings whose careful decisions serve to allocate scarce resources efficiently — that is, these decisions maximize a nebulous thing economists call “social welfare.”

“Social welfare” on this view is thought to increase when those who gain from a change in the economy — e.g., a corporate restructuring or deregulation of the financial sector or increased foreign trade — gain more from the change than those who lose from it, even if the gainers had already been wealthy before the change and the losers poor. Thus, few economists were troubled by the explosion of executive compensation on Wall Street or elsewhere in corporate America. It was just the efficient market at work, rewarding these executives for the “value” they were creating.

As far as diagnoses of economic trends and predictions about the future are concerned, the profession’s preferred analytic structure and the groupthink it begets might work superbly well on planet Vulcan, whence hails the utterly logical Mr. Spock of Star Trek fame.

On Planet Earth, however, that analytic prism can seriously blur one’s vision. It simply cannot accommodate the fact that our entire 21st-century banking sector, managed as it is by graduates of the nation’s top business schools, supported by highly trained financial engineers, and monitored around the clock by thousands of allegedly bright financial analysts, immolated itself with highly toxic assets, purchased with borrowed money, and in the process infected the entire world economy.

And thus the economics profession slept comfortably as Wall Street was imploding. One can only hope that the medical profession would do better, should America ever be struck by a serious epidemic.


Back in 2004-2005 I was assigning articles on the housing bubble to my upper-level economics students. I was distressed that I could not find anyone authoritative (other than Robert Shiller) to make a sophisticated argument in favor of the hypothesis that we were experiencing a bubble. There were, however, numerous papers out of the Fed and from elsewhere pooh-poohing the possibility.

Thursday, January 08, 2009

Yikes!

I really need to take care of this.

Thursday, January 01, 2009

Snappy answers to stupid questions

The best part of the holidays is all the arguments over politics with my conservative relatives. I'm still musing over last night's. The question was health care: if national health care is so great, why do all those Canadians come to the U.S. to have operations? Don't I know that the British have to wait X times longer for certain procedures than Americans do?

The snappy answer (which only occurs to me now): Most of the countries that have national health insurance are democracies - Europe, UK, Canada, etc. Those countries have held hundreds of elections since they adopted their health care systems, often electing conservative governments. They have all seen the example of the United States, with our gold-plated health care for those who can afford it and our short waiting lines for crucial procedures. Yet not once, in any of these countries, have the people voted to get rid of their national health care system. Even Margaret Thatcher didn't try to do it. Why not? What do they know that we don't?

 Subscribe in a reader

free counters
Circuit City